The Dangerous Hawks Of Space
By Cernig
Two long-term neoconservative hawks who belong to the Bolton
"diplomacy has failed" school of nonproliferation thinking and have
been influential in Republican policymaking on nuclear matters since
Reagan's halcyon Star Wars days have penned an op-ed for the Wall
Street Journal extolling the virtues of missile defense.
J.D. Crouch III and Robert Joseph, both former Bush administration
officials intimately involved with nuclear weapons and
nonproliferation policy until the Bolton school fell out of favor,
spend several paragraphs extolling Bush's courage on matters such as
invading Iraq, pushing for the Surge and expanding the surveillance
state then write:
Mr. Bush has faced so many tough choices over the last seven years
that his decision to withdraw from the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile
Treaty has been at least partially forgotten. Yet this decision,
announced in December 2001, was no less consequential. It also
defied the critics who argued that it would lead to a new arms
race, increase nuclear proliferation and ruin cooperation with
Russia on nuclear arms control and terrorism.
None of these things have happened as a result of the ABM Treaty
withdrawal. But the decision will enable us to counter a
still-growing 21st century threat.
They hope no-one notices that all of these things happened as a result
of the ABM treaty withdrawal. Russia has begun development and
production of new missiles designed to circumvent future US missile
defenses, withdrawn from key treaties including one which limits
conventional forces in Europe and stated clearly that it does not
regard Iran, for one, as a nuclear threat to the world. Putin and
former Soviet leader Gorbachev are in accord that the withdrawal from
the ABM treaty was a major contributory influence on Russias positions
and that U.S. withdrawal from that treaty was a major mistake that
signalled the Bush adminsitration's status as a loose cannon.
But, undeterred, they now want the U.S. to withdraw unilaterally from
another crucial treaty - the one on space-based weaponry.
Finally, we must look again at space as a place to deploy
interceptors.
There is no question that space provides the highest leverage
against the missile threat: Targets are more visible, more
accessible and more vulnerable when attacked from space. While
there are concerns about "weaponizing space," these pale in
comparison to the increasing vulnerability of U.S. space-based
satellites by weapons from the ground traversing space. The recent
Chinese anti-satellite test was a wake-up call.
Space-based interceptors, like those proposed by former President
George H. W. Bush in 1991, have the potential to strengthen missile
defense, and to provide protection for key intelligence and
communications assets in space that are now vulnerable from
ground-based attack.
Yet again, Crouch and Joseph want to ignore facts to get to further
their agenda. As Dr. Jeffrey Lewis wrote of the Chines ASAT test at
the time:
If China has conducted an ASAT test, this is extremely bad. I had
been hoping that the Bush Administration would push for a ban on
anti-satellite testing, either in the form of a code of conduct or
some rules of road. The Bush folks, however, have been fond of
saying that wasn't necessary, because "there is no arms race in
space."
The Bush folks in question here include Crouch and Joseph - but now
they want to use the arms race in space they say isn't happening to
further their argument for more of an arms race in space, instead of
pursuing an international treaty ban on ASAT weaponry. Huh?
So who are these people exactly? Well, J.D. Crouch III is the man who
in a 1999 letter to the Washington Times, blamed the Columbine High
School massacre on "30 years of liberal social policy that has put our
children in day care, taken God out of the schools, taken Mom out of
the house, and banished Dad as an authority figure from the family
altogether". Robert Joseph is the one who insisted on the inclusion of
the famous 16 words in Bush's 2003 State of the Union Address
regarding Iraq's alleged nuclear weapons development and efforts to
buy uranium from Niger. Both they and their think-tank (which is
lavishly funded by arms manufacturers and hawkish rightwing
foundations) have been intimately involved in every hawkish attempt to
walk away from international arms control accords and foster a policy
of war instead of diplomacy since the Reagan administration. They
simply aren't credible advocates for their cause.
Which doesn't stop Murdoch's WSJ from giving them room to do so, in
furtherance of a policy of lying to the public and lawmakers so as to
militarise space - a policy which has also been proposed by the likes
of the neoconservative Heritage Institute. It's most obvious current
symptom is the way in which the Bush administration has hyped and spun
the threat from nations like Iran to further the missile shield
program. The arguments against it are no different now that when it
was first proposed in the wake of Rumsfield's 1998 Commission to
Assess the Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States (which said
that nations like Iran would have missile-mounted nukes within five
years - an eventuality which still hasn't come about):
Melvin Goodman, a noted expert on proliferation issues at the
National War College, said: "Should the system work or, more
likely, should the international community perceive that the United
States can make it work, a series of national security problems
will ensue. Ties between Russia and China will improve; the angry
reaction of our European allies will weaken our leadership of NATO;
we will weaken our counterproliferation and disarmament policies;
and we will lose our limited leverage on the nuclear policies of
India and Pakistan. Thus, any U.S. decision to pursue [national
missile defense] will have negative consequences for most aspects
of U.S. national security" (see "Pro and Con: 'The Case For
National Missile Defense' and 'The Case Against National Missile
Defense,'" Safe Foundation).
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